House Passes Controversial COMPETES Act

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) speaks to reporters on Capitol Hill in Washington on Jan. 13, 2022. (Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images)
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) speaks to reporters on Capitol Hill in Washington on Jan. 13, 2022. (Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images)

The House passed the controversial COMPETES Act in a mostly party-line 222–210 vote on Friday morning.

The bill, nominally intended to increase U.S. competitiveness with China but loaded with other, less relevant provisions, was unanimously opposed by all Republicans with the support of Rep. Stephanie Murphy (D-Fla.), a House moderate who has struck out a position against her party often.

Only Rep. Adam Kinzinger (R-Ill.), who was officially censured by the RNC on Thursday for his role on the Jan. 6 Committee, voted with Democrats to pass the bill.

In a 20-page summary of the bill released to Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s (D-Calif.) website, Democrats say that the bill is “a bold legislative package that makes transformational new investments in research, innovation and American manufacturing that will ensure that America can outcompete any nation in the world, now and for decades to come.”

“The package will accelerate U.S. production of critical semiconductor chips, strengthen the supply chain to make more goods in America, turbocharge our research capacity to lead the technologies of the future, and advance our global competitiveness, while supporting strong labor standards and human rights, among other key provisions,” it continues.

The release notes that the bill is one acceptable to both sides of the aisle, inasmuch as “its major components include many bills that have already passed the House by strong bipartisan votes or have bipartisan cosponsors.”

The bill indeed has several provisions that Republicans and Democrats both agree are necessary.

For instance, one section of the bill is designed to increase the United States’ extraction of semiconductor metals and manufacturing of microchips.

This is a sector that America has allowed east Asia to dominate over the past several decades. In 1990, America produced around a third of the world’s microchips; by 2021, that number had careened to only 12 percent according to the Semiconductor Energy Association (pdf).

However, other sections of the bill are far less agreed upon.

For one, the COMPETES Act would “[invest] in the fight against climate change” by “supporting research to advance the next generation of energy storage, solar, hydrogen, critical materials, fusion energy, manufacturing, carbon removal, and bioenergy technologies, among many other areas.”

Democrats are also anxious that the bill’s funding emphasizes “diversity.”

Historically, research and tech funding in the United States has been targeted to specific sectors or projects. Generally, these are carried out by already-existing agencies like NASA or the CDC, or through government-contracted third parties.

Democrats’ proposed bill would instead focus on “strengthen[ing] and expand[ing] our nation’s STEM workforce to better represent the diversity of our nation.”

To meet the goal of “investing in the fight against climate change,” the bill would “[prepare] the next generation of diverse clean energy researchers, scientists, and professionals.”

The COMPETES Act would also push to increase “diversity” among STEM teachers.

The release explains how the bill would go about meeting these “diversity” goals. It would “[empower] Federal agencies and universities to identify and lower barriers to the recruitment, retention, and advancement of women, minorities and other groups underrepresented in STEM studies and careers.”

In addition, it stipulates that agencies are required “to collect comprehensive demographic data on the grant review process and STEM faculty at U.S. universities.” It also “[p]rovides supports for grant recipients who also have caregiving responsibilities.”

Moreover, the COMPETES Act would allow for the importation of thousands of new refugees, even as the United States faces an unprecedented level of illegal immigration at its southern border.

Even more controversially, the bill would allow for a new class of “investor visa,” in short allowing the wealthiest citizens from other countries to enter the U.S. for no reason other than their wealth.

While Republicans in the House had little chance of stopping the bill in the lower chamber, where a simple majority rules, it is clear that Republicans are broadly opposed to the legislation.

In the Senate, where all legislation must achieve a 60-vote threshold to end debate and go to a simple majority floor vote, Republicans could do far more to stop the legislation. As long as 41 of the chamber’s 50 GOP senators oppose the bill, they would be able to deny Democrats the 60-vote threshold and force them back to the negotiating table.

Joseph Lord


Joseph Lord is a Congressional reporter for The Epoch Times who focuses on the Democrats. He got his Bachelor of Arts in Philosophy from Clemson University and was a scholar in the Lyceum Program.

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Wall Street Drops at Open as Facebook Outlook Sparks Tech Rout

A sign for Wall Street hangs in front of the New York Stock Exchange in New York City, on July 8, 2021. (Mark Lennihan/AP Photo)

U.S. stock indexes opened lower on Thursday, with the Nasdaq diving more than 2 percent, as Facebook-owner Meta Platforms’ dour forecast jolted the broader tech sector and threatened to upend a nascent recovery in stock markets.

The Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 109.2 points, or 0.31 percent, at the open to 35520.08.

The S&P 500 fell 54.0 points, or 1.18 percent, at the open to 4535.41, while the Nasdaq Composite dropped 371.7 points, or 2.58 percent, to 14045.834 at the opening bell.



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Stocks Rebound but Head for Worst January Since 2016

By Tommy Wilkes

Dollars illustration
Dollars illustration

Stocks staged a modest rebound on Monday as traders put aside concerns about interest rate rises and the crisis in Ukraine to dip back in, but global equities are still headed for their worst January since 2016 after a bruising month.

The rise in European shares follows a late surge on Wall Street on Friday after a series of forecast-beating company earnings, including from tech giant Apple, helped stabilize investor sentiment after a series of volatile sessions.

Still, investors say the backdrop for equities remains uncertain as central banks tighten policy—the Bank of England is expected to hike rates again on Thursday—and another jolt higher in oil prices adds to inflationary worries.

By 1115 GMT, the Euro STOXX had gained 0.62 percent, the German DAX 0.64 percent, and Britain’s FTSE 100 0.1 percent.

Lunar New Year holidays made for thin trading conditions in Asia. MSCI’s broadest index of Asia-Pacific shares outside Japan closed up 0.68 percent.

S&P 500 futures pointed to a lower open while Nasdaq futures climbed 0.4 percent. The tech-heavy Nasdaq has borne the brunt of selling and is down 14 percent from a record peak last year.

The MSCI World index, while higher on Monday, remains down 6.2 percent in January—the worst start to the year since 2016. Before Friday’s rebound, the index was headed for its worst January since the global financial crisis in 2008.

“This is not the classic selloff affecting lower quality underperforming companies. This selloff is driven not by fundamentals but by the action of central banks at a time when growth is very strong,” said Flavio Carpenzano, Investment Director, Capital One Group.

“For years you were like a spoiled child, you could get all the money you wanted and for free and you could buy what you wanted, you didn’t care that much about quality. Now it’s the other way round, you have to be more disciplined so you need to look carefully at valuation.”

ECB and BOE Meet

The headquarters of the European Central Bank (ECB) in Frankfurt, Germany, on March 12, 2016. (Kai Pfaffenbach/Reuters)

The standoff over Ukraine also remains a thorn in the markets’ side, with concerns a Russian invasion would cut vital gas supplies to Western Europe. Moscow denies any plan to invade.

Oil prices reached new seven-year peaks on Friday, having climbed for six weeks straight as the political tension in Ukraine exacerbated concerns over tight energy supply.

Brent rose 0.68 percent to $90.64 a barrel on Monday, not far from Friday’s high of $91.7, while U.S. crude climbed 0.89 percent to $87.06.

In economic news, data showed eurozone economic growth slowed quarter-on-quarter in the last three months of 2021, as expected.

Data out on Sunday showed China’s factory activity slowed in January as a resurgence of COVID-19 cases and tough lockdowns hit production and demand.

Government bond yields in the United States held below recent highs while in Germany the benchmark 10-year bond yield edged back above 0 percent.

Yields have jumped this year in anticipation of a faster rate of rate rises in 2022.

Markets have swung to pricing in five hikes from the Federal Reserve this year to 1.25 percent, though investors still see rates peaking at a historically low 1.75 percent–2.0 percent.

BofA economists think that is not nearly hawkish enough and expect seven 25 basis point hikes in 2022 and another four in 2023.

“We point out that markets have underpriced Fed hikes at the start of the last two hiking cycles and we think that will be the case again,” said chief economist Ethan Harris.

As well as the Bank of England, the European Central Bank meets this week but is expected to stick to its argument that inflation will recede over time.

Big data releases this week include the ISM readings on manufacturing and services, and the January jobs report.

The headline payrolls number is expected to be soft given a surge in coronavirus cases and adverse weather. The median forecast is for a rise of just 155,000, while forecasts range from a gain of 385,000 to a drop of 250,000.

Hawkish noises from Fed Chair Jerome Powell last week bolstered the U.S. dollar, which has jumped 1.5 percent this month against a basket of its main rivals to its highest since July 2020. It was last at 97.113.

The euro has shed 1.8 percent in January to hit its weakest since June 2020. On Monday it rose 0.1 percent to $1.1163.

The dollar gained versus the safe-haven Japanese yen, rising 1.3 percent last week and another 0.2 percent on Monday to 115.51 yen.



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Dollar Races Higher as Markets Brace for Larger, Faster Rate Hikes

Euro, Hong Kong dollar, U.S. dollar, Japanese yen, pound, and Chinese 100 yuan banknotes are seen in this picture illustration on Jan. 21, 2016. (Jason Lee/Illustration/Reuters)
Euro, Hong Kong dollar, U.S. dollar, Japanese yen, pound, and Chinese 100 yuan banknotes are seen in this picture illustration on Jan. 21, 2016. (Jason Lee/Illustration/Reuters)

LONDON—The dollar soared to its highest levels since July 2020 against other major currencies on Thursday, powered by bets the U.S. Federal Reserve could deliver faster and larger interest rate hikes in the months ahead.

A day after the Fed flagged that it was ready to start lifting rates in March to contain inflation, money markets moved to price in as many as five quarter-point increases by year-end.

This backdrop bought dollar bulls out in force—the dollar index, which measures the greenback’s value against other major currencies, rose to 97.120, the highest since July 2020.

The euro slumped 0.75 percent to $1.1156, its lowest since June 2020. The greenback also hit its highest levels in more than a year against the New Zealand dollar, a seven-week peak against Australia’s currency, and rose broadly against emerging market currencies.

The Fed on Wednesday indicated it was likely to raise rates in March, as widely expected, and reaffirmed plans to end its bond purchases that month before significantly reducing its asset holdings.

In a follow-up news conference, Chair Jerome Powell stressed that no decisions had been made, but in response to a question about whether the central bank would consider a 50-basis point hike, he did not rule it out.

U.S. gross domestic product figures later on Thursday are expected to show annual growth at its strongest since 1984.

“While the market had already been priced for hikes, a lot of people were assuming that the Fed might be more sensitive to the equity market, which it wasn’t,” said Jane Foley, head currency strategist at Rabobank. “Also the Fed’s mention the balance sheet has focused markets’ mind on the withdrawal of stimulus.”

Foley added that a shake-out of overly long dollar positions earlier in the month had left the greenback in a position to react to the latest Fed signaling.

Yuan Hit

Rising U.S. Treasury yields provided a further impetus to the dollar’s gains.

After rallying 0.7 percent against the yen on Wednesday in its sharpest rise in more than two months, the dollar firmed a further 0.5 percent to 115.20 yen.

The risk-sensitive Australian dollar fell 0.6 percent to $0.7072, having fallen to as low as $0.7064, while the New Zealand dollar fell to as low as $0.6597, a nearly 15-month trough.

“All in all, we think markets are running away a bit here,” said Elsa Lignos, global head of FX strategy at RBC Capital Markets.

Sterling fell to a one-month low at $1.3376 and was last down 0.6 percent on the day. Britain’s pound is delicately balanced as traders keep a wary eye on Prime Minister Boris Johnson, who is under pressure after attending parties during lockdowns, and on next week’s Bank of England meeting.

Elsewhere, China’s yuan took a hit as data showed Chinese industrial profits grew at their slowest pace in more than 18 months, bolstering the case for policy support.

In offshore trade, the yuan was down 0.7 percent against the dollar at 6.3642. It was on track for its biggest one-day fall since last July.

After a battering last week, cryptocurrencies have mostly held their ground in the wake of the Fed’s meeting, with bitcoin last down 0.4 percent at $36,673.

By Dhara Ranasinghe



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Why Wikipedia Has Failed and What to Do About It

Wikipedia Co-founder Larry Sanger

Wikipedia made a real effort at neutrality for, I would say, its first five years or so. And then … it began a long, slow slide into what I would call leftist propaganda,” says Wikipedia co-founder Larry Sanger.

What was the original vision for Wikipedia? And why did its neutrality policy collapse?

Sanger says he’s now working on creating a new decentralized network, a “superset of all encyclopedias.”

“We need a democratic revolution in tech,” he says.

Jan Jekielek: Larry Sanger, such a pleasure to have you on American Thought Leaders.

Larry Sanger: Well thanks for having me.

Mr. Jekielek: Larry, while you are the co-founder of Wikipedia, and sometimes you call yourself the ex-founder. And I can’t help wondering if that isn’t a great place to actually start our conversation. Why would you say that?

Mr. Sanger: Well, there’s a couple of reasons. One is that, for many years, Jimmy Wales has denied me that honorific, and so I thought out of respect to him, I’ll go ahead and let him be the sole founder and then I’m ex-founder because I was once. And then the other reason is just that I am increasingly wanting to distance myself from Wikipedia. There are a lot of issues with it, and I guess it’s my way of disowning my baby.

Mr. Jekielek: I’ll tell you when I realized that something was wrong with Wikipedia, okay? I’ve been working with Epoch Times for the better part of 15 years. And, there’s been a Wikipedia page about Epoch Times for quite some time. There you could watch the battles of different editors on the talk pages. I’m gonna get you to tell me a little bit about the talk pages because a lot of people don’t even know about that.

Mr. Sanger: Sure.

Mr. Jekielek: Right? Between these different editors trying to get at what I always assumed was the truth, okay? But you’ve taught me something different, we’re gonna talk about that too. But in the end it seemed to actually work out, okay?

The entry was something that I felt was somewhat fair, up until about 2015, 2016, when it seemed like all hell broke loose on there. And basically, one very dominant, frankly, incredibly misinformed view dominated.

And then I started looking at other pages and I found similar things. I probably, like most people, looked at Wikipedia and thought, “This is a place where I can get good, honest information, a good, reasonable, balanced view, and so forth.” But certainly not on everything.

Mr. Sanger: All right. Well, it’s interesting that you should begin that way simply because that’s how a lot of interviewers have begun interviewing me in the last few years. Everybody seems to have a complaint about the article about themselves. That didn’t used to be the case.

But now, essentially anyone who is on the right, or even contrarian actually, finds themselves with an article on Wikipedia that grossly misrepresents their achievements, often just leaves out important bits of their work, and misrepresents their motives, casts them as conspiracy theorists or far right, or whatever, when they and their friends, and people who know them well would never describe them in that way.

Yeah, I hear you and I’ve been apologizing for that for many years now, for that sort of issue. It’s just gotten a lot worse, as you say, basically in the last five years or so.

Mr. Jekielek: There’s a big area here, right? We can talk, I’d like to talk about the original vision, right, and then this sort of distinction. I find this so fascinating between neutrality and pursuit of objective truth. Because I don’t. I think that distinction might be, well, it took me a while to figure out the distinction. So that’s one piece, but another piece is kind of how did we get here to the point that you’re describing?

Mr. Sanger: Right. Well, where do you want to begin?

Mr. Jekielek: Well, why don’t we start with the vision, and then let’s talk about where things went wrong.

Mr. Sanger: Okay. Right. I’ll begin by telling you about the assignment that I was given. I was hired by Jimmy Wales’ company, Bomis. He was the CEO. I was hired as Editor-in-Chief of Nupedia, and I was given the following assignment. We want to start a new encyclopedia. Basically we want you to be the guy to start it. It will be free. It will be open to anyone to contribute to, but we want it to be respectable. And finally, we want it constructed according to open source principles.

What that meant was, essentially anyone can share their own copy of it, and they can fork it, which means to make a copy and then start developing it in a different direction. That’s like Linux works and various other kinds of open source software. But it’s called open content because we’re not talking about software, now we’re talking about content. So that was the initial sort of assignment.

Now, the vision was essentially of a giant encyclopedia that millions of people could contribute to, would freely be eventually motivated to contribute to. Initially we considered whether there should be multiple articles per topic or just one article per topic. We went with one article per topic, but that’s only because there weren’t enough people to work on it to begin with, right?

Now, I think there’s no reason why we shouldn’t have multiple articles per topic. But anyway, that was the original vision. And obviously a big part of the original vision, especially because it was supposed to be collaborative, especially when we moved from Nupedia to Wikipedia which was a year later. It was supposed to be collaborative in order for people who are collaborating to work well together.

Obviously they can’t agree on everything, so you have to agree to disagree and represent lots of different competing positions within the same article. And not just that, the whole idea of neutrality, because that’s what it is.

The idea behind neutrality is to allow people to make up their own minds. And that is a big part of my notion of what a reliable, useful reference work should be like. So we can talk a little bit more about that, but that’s the basic.

There were other things. I mean, we obviously wanted it to be very meaty and very big. There’s a whole long laundry list actually, of descriptions of a good encyclopedia, but you can guess at those.

Mr. Jekielek: Tell me a little bit more, because this obviously was a pretty revolutionary idea for media—the idea of a user-driven encyclopedia. How is it that you ended up getting this job?

Mr. Sanger: Well, I knew Jimmy Wales. I mean, we weren’t like good friends or anything, but acquaintances. I hit him up for his opinion on a website that I was starting, or I was thinking about starting anyway. He said, “Well, don’t work on that. I have something you should work on. You could come and work for me and be Editor-in-Chief of this new website, Nupedia.”

Nupedia was very top heavy, and had a lot of problems with it in terms of the amount of content that it was producing. So we cast around for different ways of supplementing the content streams so there’s just more coming into the system. And all of the ideas that I was proposing required new programmers. Jimmy Wales was a typical tightwad CEO, who didn’t want to spend any more money on that.

Finally, over a Mexican dinner at a San Diego restaurant with another friend of mine, I learned about wikis. So my friend was telling me about how there were these websites where you could go, and you could press an Edit button, and you could start changing the text of the web page itself that you are reading. You hit Save, and the page changes.

And it was like, wow, that’s a weird idea. How could it possibly work? He said it’s actually really robust because there are more people who want to keep the pages in good shape than who want to destroy them. So it’s actually easy for the pages to get better and better.

I said, okay, I was willing to sort of trust him on that enough to give it a try. I immediately had the notion that we ought to create a wiki encyclopedia as a supplementary content stream for Nupedia. It was going to be called the Nupedia Wiki. But the Nupedia editors didn’t want to have anything to do with anything called a wiki. And the whole idea that anybody could edit the site was just an obvious non-starter.

It was just ridiculous, because these are relatively straight laced academics with very specific ideas about how intellectually credible work is produced. So we went ahead, and made another website under a domain that I chose that was more devoted to intellectually incredible work. I’m being flippant here.

But yeah, it actually ended up working quite well to, I think, the surprise of many people, including Jimmy Wales, actually, by the way. In the beginning, he wasn’t that big of a fan of the idea, especially because it seemed to be putting off so many of the editors.

II was saying, “Oh, we should really try this. I think it could really work.” And it would actually have this ready stream of content that would go to Nupedia. Well what happened was that the tail started wagging the dog. The Wikipedia quickly became much bigger than Nupedia, and Nupedia was unfortunately left to wither.

I didn’t have enough time to work on it, and Wikipedia needed all the time that I could give it. So it became my full-time job, in that the first year of Wikipedia.

Mr. Jekielek: Let’s talk about this neutrality, okay, because I think I mentioned this when I was speaking earlier that I just assumed I would come to Wikipedia and I could get the truth, right? That’s kind of what people expect they’re getting from the media to some extent. Maybe I’m wrong, I don’t know.

I remember reading when I saw some of your work, maybe a half year ago, actually, in fact, the vision wasn’t the objective truth. The vision was neutrality. And that’s different somehow. So explain that to me.

Mr. Sanger: Well, the difference between neutrality and objective truth as in the aims of pieces of writing, is that the objective truth is generally something that people disagree about. I personally think there is an objective truth about any clearly defined question, right? And it would be absolutely wonderful to have a reference work that contained all and only objective truth. That would be fantastic. The problem is that no two people will ever agree about what such a work should contain.

Neutrality, on the other hand, is an attempt to explain all the different points of view on a subject with sufficient detail, with sufficient concern about the evidence, and the citations, and the detail needed for a person to make up his own mind on any issues of controversy.

So just imagine that you are a Wikipedia editor, and you’re looking at a mess of an article. You have the option of correcting it in a way so that it reflects what you think is the objective truth. Basically giving a catalog, essentially, but a well-ordered catalog of views.

If you go with the first notion, you’re going to anger a lot of people in your community if you have a very wide ranging community, right? And you probably should, because you are presuming to decide the facts for them, right? Now, and that’s a problem. The more that we write articles that tout a single point of view, the more that our writing resembles propaganda, especially to the people who don’t have that point of view.

The function of propaganda is to, as it were, beat people over the head to get them to believe the way that you want them to believe, not necessarily for good reasons, because good reasons are always informed by and often in response to other points of view, right? You can’t ultimately have really good reasons to believe something if you haven’t considered other points of view.

So propaganda has the tendency of making people stupider, and less objective. So if you want to approach a subject from an objective point of view, what you need is a neutral piece of writing.

Mr. Jekielek: Well okay, that’s fascinating. This is a great explanation that I think I’m gonna be using myself. You have said that currently, Wikipedia contains the establishment point of view. What does that mean exactly?

Mr. Sanger: Well, we can see by reading the New York Times, and the Washington Post, and watching broadcast news, and reading the books that are touted by the New York Review of Books and whatever, that there are certain things that powerful people, in many cases, well educated people want us to believe that minorities, or what those people want to believe are minorities that people disagree with. So that’s the establishment view. It’s the view that is touted by the powerful.

Mr. Jekielek: I guess the big question is, how did that happen? Because as far as I know, this neutrality policy is still in effect.

Mr. Sanger: Yeah. We introduced the neutrality policy before Wikipedia was even conceived of, and then Wikipedia inherited it from Nupedia. Wikipedia made a real effort at neutrality for, I would say its first five years or so. Then it began a long slow slide into what I would call a leftist propaganda. That’s a harsh description to put on Wikipedia, but at least a lot of the political articles read that way now.

But that’s because they follow the news media—at least they have done in the last 10 years or so, 10 or 15 years. They’ve gradually gotten rid of all blogs, and then more recently, they’ve gotten rid of almost all conservative news sources as sources for their articles. So as the news media has shifted, and as the establishment has shifted more to the left, the content of Wikipedia has followed suit.

It would have been hard for me to accept that this would happen, and that it would be so striking, even 10 years ago. I mean already there was this decline and the slide to a center left point of view by 2010.

Mr. Jekielek: Another thing you told me when we were speaking in the past, is you see a kind of mob rule on Wikipedia. And so presumably that wasn’t the intent.

Mr. Sanger: Yeah, this is hard. It’s collaborative to begin with. Wikis before—Wikipedia isn’t the first wiki, first of all. The wiki software was invented in about 1995. And there was this culture that was associated with wikis, where people work together on pages, and there’s a lot of give and take, and try to be fair to each other, try to be reasonable, and you reach a consensus view essentially.

So Wikipedia inherited that notion. But ultimately, it didn’t work. As soon as Wikipedia became very powerful, as soon as it attracted enough eyeballs, then the ideologues moved in, on both sides in the beginning, for sure, and went to battle, right? You can’t have a consensus among people who are ideological enemies. One side is ultimately going to win, unless there’s a really strong neutrality policy.

Ultimately what happened was that the enforcement of that neutrality policy essentially collapsed. And one side did win. If people are trying to come to an agreement with each other, but there is no set way of resolving their editorial differences other than just talk, right? There’s de facto—a power vacuum.

And what developed in the absence of any sort of established editorial apparatus, any sort of hierarchy, any sort of decision-making process of any sort. What happened was certain people gained more influence. They had more friends within the community, and a kind of behind the scenes game developed.

Certain people just mastered the game better than others, and they had more friends, they said the right things, and they were able to get more people on their side. That kind of describes what happens when there is a mob rule, and when there’s a power vacuum.

I think that’s essentially what happened. But then it descended even further into authoritarianism. It’s not a free for all anymore. It used to be, right? Back in 2003, 2005, even as late as 2009, on some pages anyway, it was kind of a free for all. You could go in and just start shooting off your mouth, and people would engage in debate with you for days sometimes. It doesn’t work that way anymore at all, for sure.

If you just have the temerity to make a few small edits on certain popular articles that haven’t been locked down completely, you can be booted off the project entirely—in the wrong circumstances anyway. And people have complained to me about that happening. It’s not a welcoming sort of place at all. I call that authoritarian, right?

There are a few people who have admin, administrative permissions in this system, and basically they use that to make sure that only the right sorts of people contribute to their articles. You have to agree with them, you have to butter them up, you have to say the right things, and toe the party line essentially. Sometimes literally the democratic party line, but this, I have heard applies just as well in other languages with other political parties.

Mr. Jekielek: People are actually reaching out to you to talk about these sorts of realities.

Mr. Sanger: Oh, all the time, all the time. I mean I hear from people complaining about Wikipedia on a weekly basis, if not more often, for over a period of years and years.

Mr. Jekielek: You’ve outlined how important the media sources are to Wikipedia. Basically any fact or statement has to be supported by some source, which is accepted in Wikipedia, right, and you said that the–

Mr. Sanger: If it’s non-obvious there’s certain things you can say without a source, but yes.

Mr. Jekielek: And that those sources have been pruned considerably over the years.

Mr. Sanger: Yes, the number of sources seems to have been narrowed down quite a bit on ideological grounds.

Mr. Jekielek: Basically, you’re arguing Wikipedia is a great source for the establishment perspective, but if you don’t want that, you have to go somewhere else. Is that what you’re saying?

Mr. Sanger: That’s what I’m saying.

Mr. Jekielek: Okay.

Mr. Sanger: Didn’t used to be that way, but yeah.

Mr. Jekielek: Well, I mean, it’s also really interesting to me that, for example, on Facebook, very often when you type in one of those hot links and so forth, and there isn’t a page associated with that person or topic, it’s the Wikipedia page that will come up. And then and similarly in Google, Wikipedia pages rank incredibly highly. I guess, expectedly, ’cause it’s one of the top 10 websites in the world. But also kind of get this special treatment, right, in Google as if it were more authoritative.

Mr. Sanger: Right.

Mr. Jekielek: Right. So it goes quite a bit beyond Wikipedia, the giant social media apparatus, the search engine that most people use globally.

Mr. Sanger: Sure. I mean Apple, for example, will push Wikipedia articles when you ask it certain kinds of questions. Wikipedia has been, I don’t know if it still is today, but they’ve been used as sort of background articles beneath YouTube videos, sure.

And yes, clearly it’s pushed a lot by Google. To what extent, that is a policy of the corporation, as opposed to just a reflection of how their algorithms work, I’m not gonna apine, but it probably doesn’t matter very much, so.

Mr. Jekielek: Right. So I guess what I’m getting at is that the Wikipedia perspective is a very powerful and wide-reaching perspective.

Mr. Sanger: Yep.

Mr. Jekielek: That has a profound impact that seems to me on how we understand the truth around us—the knowledge and everything else.

Mr. Sanger: So Wikipedia has been constructing its own reality for a long time. It’s sharing an establishment reality today, but it wasn’t always. Back in 2006, Stephen Colbert famously coined a term, “Wikiality”, right? And I don’t think he was that happy with Wikipedia at the time. He was mocking it.

And a lot of people were mocking it because it was a new thing, and everybody thought it was weird that there was this thing called an encyclopedia that anybody could edit, which was true back then. It really isn’t true today.

I don’t know that Stephen Colbert really liked some of the perspectives that he was seeing in Wikipedia at the time, because it was more neutral back then. And I have a feeling that Stephen Colbert likes Wikiality now. I’d like to ask him that.

Mr. Jekielek: But the question about having… I mean, basically the argument here is that the attempt at having a successful open source, or open content encyclopedia seems to have failed. You’re making that claim.

Mr. Sanger: I’m not saying that they’re all doomed to failure, not by–

Mr. Jekielek: Oh okay, not necessarily all.

Mr. Sanger: No.

Mr. Jekielek: Okay.

Mr. Sanger: Why think so? Yeah. I think that what we have learned is that Wikipedia is and always was going to be centralized, simply because it’s a single website, and has one article on each topic. It was always going to be difficult, at the very least, for such a resource to fairly represent all points of view.

What ought to exist essentially, is a new kind of network that reaches out and brings together articles on the same topic, from lots of different sources and makes them equally available— perhaps similarly formatted. But it needs to be a decentralized sort of network.

In other words, I’m not talking about a new project, a new platform, right, that could be dominated by some new group. I’m talking about a truly decentralized, leaderless, centerless network—kind of like blogs.

Together they make a thing called the blogosphere, right? And one reason why there is no Jimmy Wales, or Mark Zuckerberg, or Jack Dorsey of the blogosphere is that it uses a standard. It’s a technical standard that allows anybody with a blog to take their blogging data and move it somewhere else to a different platform or whatever.

Mr. Jekielek: RSS is what you’re talking about here.

Mr. Sanger: What’s that?

Mr. Jekielek: You’re talking about RSS here?

Mr. Sanger: That’s correct. I’m talking about RSS, and Adam, that’s really essential to the existence of that technical standard, is essential to the blogosphere being as decentralized, that’s the word, as it is. I think basically there ought to be a standard for encyclopedias. Perhaps there should be standards for other categories of content, right? Then we should make it easy to distribute encyclopedic content according to that standard.

Then we can imagine lots of different apps essentially aggregating the content from different sources, and having multiple different collections of encyclopedia articles, all of them being, to get back to your question, open content, right? So there’s no reason, there’s nothing about an open source or open content encyclopedia that is doomed to failure.

It’s just this particular dominant instance of the idea. In 20 years, I think possibly Wikipedia will be just one of many influential encyclopedias that are all interlinked and made available according to a common standard.

Mr. Jekielek: Here’s the question, right. This is where I think we, I don’t know, we all get stuck, right? For example, we have had this proliferation of fact-checkers, right, which has its own series of big issues. I mean, I give an example being, I remember our documentary from early 2020, which talked about the potential of a rat lab origin for coronavirus, or CCP viruses we call it at the Epoch Times. That was fact checked on Facebook, but it turned out that the person doing the fact checking was actually associated with the Wuhan lab.

But the thing that people want to know is how much value can I put on a particular source as to the veracity of the information, or at least even the perspective of the information? That’s the challenge, right? So some people say, well, all this stuff over here, as Wikipedia editors, all this stuff over here, we’re not listening to that because that’s a perspective we don’t respect, right?

This is, we accept these sources because these sources we respect. Then someone else might have a completely different perspective. In this sort of very loose aggregation, how can someone simply, most people don’t want to have to go into the nuance of all these things.

Mr. Sanger: Right.

Mr. Jekielek: They want to be able to come and say, okay, so I wanna get a reasonable assessment of this topic, a reasonable perspective or series of perspectives. How can I really trust that today?

Mr. Sanger: So there’s different ways to solve that problem. And the organization that I started last year to tackle this project, to create standards for encyclopedias, has been working with a certain concept that there would also be ratings standards as well. So anyone could publish their own ratings of various articles.

What I imagine is, for example, the American Medical Association, identifying all of their members, and essentially weighting the ratings that their members give of different articles, and using those together to create a selection of the best articles on medical topics online. So it becomes a sort of decentralized way of peer review.

Of course, a similar sort of system can be generalized and could be used by anyone, not just the American Medical Association. That’s just an example.

I imagine that there would have to be something like whitelists in order to keep people honest. You don’t want people to game this sort of system. As I say, probably there would have to be whitelists of approved respected people. But different people would make their own whitelists essentially and then share those lists.

There would be not just ratings of articles, but then there would be metaratings of the raters. I guess. It’s just an idea. There’s other ways of variance on that idea. One thing that I want to exist, that the Knowledge Standards Foundation is going to develop a reader for encyclopedias, for the encyclosphere, as it’s called.

This would collect articles from all over the web. Now, we don’t wanna publish our own reader, by the way, we just wanna make the software and let other people make their own readers. We don’t wanna actually get into the business of that—we just wanna supply the tools.

You can imagine readers that collect articles from lots of different sources, and then a particular reader’s selections of articles can be published as a resource for people to use. Well, the National Geographic has published its list of approved articles, and they aren’t all from Britannica or from National Geographic itself, or from Wikipedia, but they actually are from all kinds of different sources.

The thing that would make this possible, as I was saying, is that all of those articles would have a common format, right? That’s actually the thing that, it’s a little thing, right? It’s just a technical detail almost, but it would enable these sorts of representations of knowledge to draw from a common pool, a common knowledge repository that spans the entire world, every point of view, all nationalities.

Mr. Jekielek: And frankly, this is quite fascinating because I think I was thinking to myself as you were describing this, that this seems to be having all the same trappings of Wikipedia until you mentioned that. It’s kind of like a metaverse, so to speak, of these different rating structures and so forth, and then it suddenly starts making sense, because the cream might actually rise to the top among the people who are actually seeking to get a reasonable perspective on the world.

Mr. Sanger: Right. And right away too. Like if a Nobel Prize winner writes an article and just happens to put it on his blog, and doesn’t bother trying to get it published by some academic encyclopedia or whatever. But if it happens to be the best thing written online, it shouldn’t be buried down in the Google results. It should shoot right up to the top, as soon as enough people who have credible opinions on the subject decide that it belongs there.

So again there can be different groups of people with completely different notions of what the truth is, or what the best article on a subject would be. And you can easily imagine how a selection of the best articles from an American conservative point of view would be very different from like a Chinese communist point of view.

It might be very interesting to compare them side by side, and see how they differ. So I’d like to create the system whereby we can start thinking of all the world’s encyclopedias, and all the world’s encyclopedia articles as part of a common pool, right? I’d like to challenge Wikipedia also, “why the hell are you not actually allowing people to write more than one article per topic? Isn’t there a need for that? You really think there isn’t a need for that right now?” Seriously, that’s ridiculous.

Mr. Jekielek: So how would you know which article to go to in this model that you’re proposing?

Mr. Sanger: Right, okay. That was your earlier question. I think people would. It would be like the internet is now. It’s the same problem. There’s the massive fire hose of information coming at you, and there’s lots of different ways to solve that problem, right? You can trust particular brands. You can trust editors and to select the articles for you.

‘d like to create a system that supports all different solutions to that problem, right? I don’t want Google deciding for me though—that’s for damn sure.

Mr. Jekielek: That’s right. I was gonna say, you can come watch American Thought Leaders and find out what Larry Sanger thinks. You do have a solution, and what’s interesting about your solution is that it’s not fully baked. Like this is something that you’re actually working on, developing the standards for.

And I thought this was really interesting, because figuring these sorts of things out actually takes time, and insight, and discourse, and arguing and it’s messy, right? Democracy, I guess it’s kind of democratic in a way—messy that way.

Mr. Sanger: I’m glad you say that—it’s very important. It’s a point that is near and dear to my heart, because I regret not doing certain things when I was starting Wikipedia. I look at Wikipedia as a missed opportunity. And certain problems with it are my fault. Like I could have pushed a lot harder for a more of a democratic decision-making process, and I didn’t. I just didn’t try to solve that problem in the project’s first year.

And there are other things as well. I think it’s really important that there be an organization, like the Knowledge Standards Foundation, that has a forum in which we sit down with a lot of different experts, and we think through exactly what we want to do. We try to get the encyclopedia publishers and the general public on the same page. The basic ideas perhaps aren’t going to change very much.

We know that we want a decentralized network, that’s true. That’s part of the unchangeable core idea. Also we know for sure that there isn’t going to be a central editorial apparatus that pushes a bias. But there’s lots of different variables that need to be considered. Frankly, I’m very worried that if this is such a great idea, that it too might end up being captured by the establishment in various ways.

So one of the questions that we’re gonna be taking up in the next year, next years really, is how do we prevent that from happening? How do you keep it decentralized? Not just make it decentralized in the beginning, how do you guarantee that it stays that way, constitutionally as it were?

Mr. Jekielek: Well, it’s a fascinating question. As we’re discussing now, I’m thinking to myself, Wikipedia, Google, Facebook, these are actually websites that dominate the whole internet—the World Wide Web, right? And they’re the entry points for so many people globally for almost all of their information. And they’ve gone in a particular ideological way, right? And so how can these small initiatives in the face of limitless money, and audience, and how can they hope to pierce that somehow?

Mr. Sanger: Yeah. That’s a good question. It’s hard. I think that ultimately it is possible for newer, better ideas to win. That’s how the internet was built, right? That’s what people said about Wikipedia itself. How can you possibly take down Britannica? How could you go head to head with them? Especially because when we were launching, Britannica had made its content free. They locked it down or put it behind a paywall later on.

Yeah, it’s daunting, but as I see it, just look at what we are proposing. So we’re gonna be putting all of the encyclopedic content in the world in a single network. That’s an extremely compelling vision. It’s easy to do. The technical problems aren’t hard to solve, we just need to do the work. It’s easy in the sense that we understand how it would work. It’s not easy in the sense that it could be done overnight, it couldn’t.

But all of those open content encyclopedias will be included in this system, whether they want to or not, because they declared themselves open content. But we’re gonna be working with them. I actually had a meeting with five encyclopedias. You can find it on YouTube actually, last Monday. It was very thought-provoking and a lot of fun, and we look forward to working with more of them.

We just combine their content and their resources in something that is bigger than the whole and better because it is like this super set of all encyclopedias. I don’t really see how Wikipedia can compete with that, especially when Wikipedia is just part of the same network, because we’re gonna do the same thing to Wikipedia. We’re gonna put the content of Wikipedia in the same format, and make it just as easily available to app writers to make their own encyclopedia apps.

Mr. Jekielek: As I was preparing for our interview today, I guess it’s about a year ago, you published a book of your essays. Briefly tell me what you’re trying to accomplish with this book. I think it’s just as relevant today as it was a year ago.

Mr. Sanger: Right, so it’s called “Essays on Free Knowledge”. I view the ability to publish and to work together online as one of the most revolutionary ideas and opportunities that humankind has had to develop our resources ever, really. I still think that’s true. But there’s a lot of hard thinking that needs to be done about all the policies that go into making that a reality—a proper reality.

I talk about the lessons learned from Wikipedia. I give the history of it. I have a couple of essays about neutrality because that’s such an important part of a free collaborative encyclopedia, or any encyclopedia— think. And then I talk in a different section of the book about the importance of staying true to the ideals of knowledge, when knowledge becomes easier, information becomes so easy.

We live in an age of infolite, and this has been the case since the beginning of the internet. It’s a perennial problem and it will continue to be a problem. It has implications for not just how we build our encyclopedias, and like what sort of policies we should adopt there, but also how we educate kids. Have old dusty, old books written by white men become irrelevant in 2021? Well, no actually. All of the old arguments for a liberal arts education—they remain perfectly valid. I go into that.

Then in the last section, I sort of bring those topics up to date. I already print something that’s actually free to read on my website, Declaration of Digital Independence, in which I talk about how big tech has essentially violated systematically rights to free speech, autonomy, and privacy. We need to move in the direction of decentralized content networks if we want to fight back against them.

Decentralized social media, I introduced the idea of the Encyclosphere there. So I have something to read about that. And then finally, I have a sort of retrospective analysis of what the problems were that led to that information disaster that we’re now in today. I think we were naive.

We were incredibly naive to give up our private information to the likes of Mark Zuckerberg. We didn’t think hard enough. People who knew. Well, we should’ve listened closer to them. They should have been given bigger platforms. It should have been made a much bigger deal.

Now instead, these centralizing corporations were enabled to get into a position where they could dominate us. And that’s a terrible problem today. So I talk again about what the solution to that is, and again, it’s about decentralization. But decentralization is just a technical gloss on the notion of power to the people basically.

So for information to be decentralized, means that it’s scattered in the hands of many different independently operating entities, individuals, and organizations, right? That’s power to the people, that’s technical power to the people. So that’s the solution. We need a democratic revolution in tech.

Mr. Jekielek: Any final thoughts before we finish up?

Mr. Sanger: Yeah, if you are interested in keeping abreast of the developments, then I would have you go to Encyclosphere. Just like it sounds, And there’s a Sign Up form there just to get general info about the Encyclosphere project, and also about the seminar, which goes into more depth. We’re gonna have a video series, and discussions about important policy questions and so forth. I push people in that direction.

We’re also gonna try to do the same thing for social media. That’s something we haven’t talked about, but we actually have a WordPress plugin that allows people to publish their social media feeds via WordPress. You’ll own your own posts. Then you can push them out to Twitter and to other sources.

The next version actually is going to have feeds, to incorporate feeds from lots of people that you’re following. You’ll be able to follow people who have this similar setups on WordPress, and we’ll also be able to subscribe to Twitter feeds, and Instagram feeds, and the rest of that, and all within the comfort of your own blog essentially.

But a blog that has been transformed into a social media platform that you own. So that basically is gonna decentralize social media. And if we don’t do it, somebody’s got to do that, because that’s another huge problem. Decentralization is the answer as far as I’m concerned.

Mr. Jekielek: Well, Larry Sanger, it’s such a pleasure to have you on.

Mr. Sanger: Thank you.

Narration: The Wikimedia Foundation did not immediately respond to our request for comment.

This interview has been edited for clarity and brevity.

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The Cuban-Spanish-American War – 1898

Library of Congress > Researchers > Hispanic Reading Room > World of 1898
The World of 1898: The Spanish-American War (Hispanic Division, Library of Congress)
1898 HOME > Cuba > Chronology of Cuba in the Spanish-American War

Chronology of Cuba in the Spanish-American War

Death of Major General Antonio Maceo the National Hero of Cuba December 7, 1896 in San Pedro de Punta Brava Havana
Death of Major General Antonio Maceo the National Hero of Cuba December 7, 1896 in San Pedro de Punta Brava Havana

10 October
Carlos M. Céspedes issued the Grito de Yara and initiated the Ten Years’ War in Cuba (1868-1878), the independence movement that served as the forerunner of the 1895 Insurrection and the Spanish American War.

H.H. Garnet (US) calls for invasion of Cuba to free slaves.

Abolition of slaves in Cuba occurred in 1886.

U.S. foreign policy is influenced by Alfred T. Mahan who wrote The Influence of Sea Power upon history, 1660-1783 which advocated the taking of the Caribbean Islands, Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands for bases to protected U.S. commerce, the building of a canal to enable fleet movement from ocean to ocean, and the building of the Great White fleet of steam-driven armor plated battleships.

5 January
José Julián Martí y Pérez formed El Partido Revolucionario Cubano (Cuban Revolutionary party). This Cuban political party was organized first in New York City and Philadelphia and soon spread to Tampa and Key West, Florida.

24 February
Cuban independence movement (Ejército Libertador de Cuba) issued in the Grito de Baire, declaring Independencia o muerte (Independence or death), as the revolutionary movement in Cuba began. It was quelled by Spanish authorities that same day.

29 March
Antonio Maceo returned from exile to Cuba to support the revolution.

10 April
José Martí and Máximo Gómez Baez returned to Cuba to fight for independence; Gómez was to serve as military leader of the new revolution. The Cuban Revolutionary party (El Partido Revolucionario Cubano) in New York worked tirelessly for revolution, inspired by José Martí and maintained by various voices for Revolution.

19 May
José Martí died in battle during a Spanish ambush at Dos Ríos, Cuba.

12 June
U.S. President Grover Cleveland proclaimed U.S. neutrality in the Cuban Insurrection.

The Cuban Revolutionary Party (Cuban Junta), under the direction of chief policy leader Tomás Estrada Palma, was formed to encourage and to support the Cuban insurgency and to campaign for U.S. recognition of the Cuban belligerency.

16 February
Spanish general Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau instituted a policy of reconcentration (reconcentración) to control Cuban insurgents. The policy forced the population to move to central locations under Spanish military jurisdiction as the entire island was placed under martial law.

28 February
The U.S. Senate recognized Cuban belligerency when it passed overwhelmingly the joint John T. Morgan/Donald Cameron resolution calling for recognition of Cuban belligerency and Cuban independence. This resolution signaled to President Cleveland and Secretary of State Richard Olney that the Cuban crisis needed attention.

March 2
The U.S. House of Representatives passed decisively its own version of the Morgan-Cameron Resolution which called for the recognition of Cuban belligerency.

August 9
Great Britain foiled Spain’s attempt to organize European support for Spanish policies in Cuba.

December 7
U.S. President Grover Cleveland declared that the U.S. might take action in Cuba if Spain failed to resolve the crisis there.

William Warren Kimball, U.S. Naval Academy graduate and intelligence officer, completed a strategic study of the implications of war with Spain. His plan called for an operation to free Cuba through naval action, which included blockade, attacks on Manila, and attacks on the Spanish Mediterranean coast.

January 19
Both William Randolph Hearst’s New York Journal and Joseph Pulitzer’s New York World, through its sensational reporting on the Cuban Insurrection, helped strengthen anti-Spanish sentiment in the United States. On this date the execution of Cuban rebel Adolfo Rodríguez by a Spanish firing squad, was reported in the article “Death of Rodríguez” in the New York Journal by Richard Harding Davis. On October 8, 1897, Karl Decker of the New York Journal reported on the rescue of Cuban Evangelina Cisneros from a prison on the Isle of Pines.

March 4
Inauguration of U.S. President William McKinley.

August 8
Anarchist Miguel Angiolillo Assassinated Spanish Prime Minister Antonio Cánovas del Castillo at Santa Agueda, Spain. Práxides Mateo Sagasta became prime minister of Spain.

October 31
Captain General Ramón Blanco y Erenas replaced General Valeriano Weyler as governor-general of Cuba.

January 1
Spain granted limited autonomy to Cuba.

February 8
Enrique Dupuy de Lôme resigned as Ambassador of Spain in the United States.

February 9
New York Journal published the confidential letter of Spanish Ambassador Dupuy de Lôme critical of President McKinley. This letter’s revelation was one of the incidents to push Spain and the United States towards war.

February 12
General Máximo Gómez issued a call to various Cuban autonomist groups for formation of a united effort against Spain.

February 14
Luís Polo de Bernabé named Minister of Spain in Washington.

February 15
Explosion sank the battleship U.S.S. Maine in Havana harbor.

March 4
Spanish naval squadron for Cuba was organized in Cádiz, Spain.

March 5
Spanish government called for the removal of U.S. Counsel General Fitzhugh Lee from Havana; United States refused request.

March 9
U.S. Congress approved a credit of $50,000,000 for national defense.

March 13
General Máximo Gómez repelled the Spanish attack in the Cuban insurrectionist (mambí) campaign at Majagua, Cuba.

The Spanish squadron under Don Fernando Villaamil, a deputy in the Spanish Cortes (Congress) and Naval Captain, left Cádiz, Spain. It stoped in San Vicente, Cape Verde Islands (Portuguese territory).

March 17
Senator Redfield Proctor (Vermont) pushed Congress and the U.S. business community toward war with Spain. He had traveled at his own expense in February 1898 to Cuba to investigate the effects of the reconcentration policy and returned to report on his findings before the Senate.

March 19
The battleship U.S.S. Oregon left the port of San Francisco, California on its famous voyage to the Caribbean Sea and Cuban waters.

March 20
Máximo Gómez rejected offer of Spanish Captain General Ramón Blanco of an alliance of the Cuban Liberation army and the Spanish forces against a United States invasion.

March 28
U.S. Naval Court of Inquiry published its findings that the U.S.S. Maine was destroyed by mine.

March 29
The United States Government issued an ultimatum to the Spanish Government to leave Cuba. Spain rejected the ultimatum on April 1, 1898.

April 2
Cuban revolutionaries under Colonel J.P. Quijano defeated Spanish forces at Chambas (Morón), Cuba.

April 4
The New York Journal in a press run of 1 million copies dedicated to the war in Cuba and called for the immediate entry of the U.S. into war with Spain.

April 5
U.S. Consul General in Cuba Fitzhugh Lee is recalled to Washington for instructions.

April 8
The Spanish armored cruisers Infanta María Teresa and Cristóbal Colón commanded by Rear Admiral Pascual Cervera y Topéte departed Cádiz, Spain.

Rear Admiral Pascual Cervera y Topéte

April 10
Spanish Governor General Blanco in Cuba suspended hostilities in the war in Cuba.

April 11
The President of the United States William McKinley requested authorization from the U.S. Congress to intervene in Cuba, to stop the war between Cuban revolutionaries and Spain.

April 12
Spanish Brigadier General Joaquin Vara del Rey y Rubio returned to Santiago de Cuba to take command of his troops in anticipation of a conflict between Spain and the United States.

April 13
The U.S. Congress agreed to President McKinley’s request for intervention in Cuba, but without recognizing the Cuban Government.

The Spanish government declared that U.S. policy jeopardized the sovereignty of Spain and prepared a special budget for war.

April 15
The commanders of Spanish forces, under Captain General Ramón Blanco called a council of war in Havana but only generals in western Cuba met since those in eastern Cuba were under attack by the mambises.

April 19
The U.S. Congress by a vote of 311 to 6 in the House and 42 to 35 in the Senate adopted the Joint Resolution for war with Spain which included the Teller Amendment, named after Senator Henry Moore Teller (Colorado) which disclaimed any intention of the U.S. to exercise jurisdiction or control over Cuba except in a pacification role and promised to leave the island as soon as the war was over. President McKinley signed the resolution on April 20, 1898 and the ultimatum was forwarded to Spain.

April 20
Spanish Minister in Washington Polo de Bernabé demanded his passport and, along with the personnel of the Legation, left Washington for Canada.

April 21
The Spanish Government considered the Joint Resolution of the United States of April 20 a declaration of war. U.S. minister in Madrid General Steward L. Woodford received his passport before presenting the ultimatum of the United States.

A state of war existed between Spain and the United States and all diplomatic relations were suspended. President McKinley ordered blockade of Cuba.

Spanish forces in Santiago de Cuba mined Guantánamo Bay.

The Spanish authorities in Cuba issued manifestos and other notices to the population and to the Spanish Army that a state of war existed with the United States.

April 22
U.S. fleet left Key West, Florida for Havana to begin the Cuban blockade at the principal ports on the north coast and at Cienfuegos.

April 23
US President McKinley called for 125,000 volunteers.

April 24
Spanish Minister of Defense Segismundo Bermejo sent instructions to Spanish Admiral Cervera to proceed with his fleet from Cape Verde to the Caribbean, Cuba and Puerto Rico.

President of the Cuban Republic in arms, General Bartolomé Masó issued the Manifiesto de Sebastopol and reiterated the mambí motto “Independencia o Muerte”.

U.S. warships captured the Spanish merchant ships Saturnino, Cándida and Catalina on the high seas.

April 25
A formal declaration of war recognized between Spain and the United States.

The Spanish concentrated troops at Santiago de Cuba and deployed them to various locations in that province.

General Pando and the Autonomista Delegates returned to Havana from Santa Cruz del Sur following a breakup of the meeting with the Council of the Mambí Government.

April 26
General Calixto García Íñiguez informed Delegate Tomás Estrada Palma in Cuba that his army was occupying the towns abandoned by the Spanish army.

April 27
U.S. ships, the monitor Puritan, and the armored cruisers New York and Cincinnati bombarded the Spanish fortifications on Matanzas Bay.

Cuban forces of the Division of Santiago de Cuba attacked the Spanish battalion La Constitución near San Luis and Palma Soriano.

April 28
Cuban Lieutenant General Calixto García occupied the city of Bayamo, Cuba and established his General Headquarters there. His forces had already occupied the towns of Jiguaní, Baire, and Santa Rita, evacuated by the Spanish troops. The mambises maintained the offensive in Oriente Province, Cuba.

President Masó issued a manifesto calling for Cuban revolutionaries to unite with Autonomistas and Spanish of good faith to sustain a creole government.

April 29
Cuban forces attacked Spanish positions at Mao and Alto Songo, Cuba.

The Portuguese government declared itself neutral in the conflict between Spain and the United States.

U.S. Navy ships mined the entrance to Cienfuegos Bay and bombarded the Spanish defenses there.

April 30
The Spanish Governor General Blanco ordered hostilities resumed with the Cuban insurrectionists.

U.S. naval forces under Colonel Dorst attempted to disembark on the beach of La Herradura, Pinar del Río, Cuba, but were forced to retreat before the heavy fire of the Spanish forces under the command of General Hernández de Velazco.

May 1
“The message to García”. U.S. Army Lieutenant Andrew S. Rowan, through the assistance of the U.S. government, the Cuban Delegation in New York, and the mambises in Cuba, made contact with General Calixto García in Bayamo to seek his cooperation and to obtain military and political assessment of Cuba. This contact benefitted the Cuban Liberation Army and the Cuban Revolutionary Army and totally ignored the Government of the Republic in arms.

May 2
The U.S. Congress voted a war emergency credit increase of $34,625,725.

General Máximo Gómez opens communication with U.S. Admiral Sampson.

May 4
Spanish forces turned back the U.S. attack at Pinar del Río.

May 9
Cuban revolutionaries and Spanish troops fought in the Sierra Maestra Mountains, near Cabreco and Aldea.

May 10
Tomás Estrada Palma, representing the Government of the Republic of Cuba in arms, communicated to President McKinley that General in Chief Máximo Gómez and Lieutenant General Calixto García would cooperate in land and sea activities with the U.S.

May 11
U.S. Navy bombarded Cárdenas, Cuba.

Charles H. Allen succeeded Theodore Roosevelt as assistant secretary of the navy.

May 14
U.S. forces cut the underwater cable at Cienfuegos.

May 18
Spanish Prime Minister Sagasta formed a new cabinet.

May 19
The Spanish fleet under the command of Admiral Pascual Cervera entered the port of Santiago de Cuba. These Spanish ships included the armored cruisers Infanta María Teresa, Almirante Oquendo, Cristóbal Colón, and Vizcaya, and the destroyer Furor , and the torpedo boat Plutón.

May 27
U.S. Navy, under Admiral William Thompson Sampson and Commodore Winfield Scott Schley, formally blockaded the port of Santiago de Cuba.

May 28
General William Rufus Shafter, U.S. Army, received orders to mobilize his forces in Tampa, Florida for the attack on Cuba.

May 31
U.S. naval squadron bombarded the fortifications at Santiago de Cuba. The Spanish armored cruiser Cristóbal Colón returned the fire.

June 3
First contact of the commanders of the U.S. Marines and leaders of the Cuban Liberation Army, aboard the armored cruiser U.S.S. New York at which the revolutionary forces provided detailed information for the campaign.

June 6
The U.S. squadron bombarded Santiago de Cuba with over 2000 shells, causing severe damage to various Spanish ships and fortifications. General Miles in Tampa received the final plans for the joint U.S./Cuban Liberation Army attack.

June 9
U.S. Admiral William Thompson Sampson sailed to Guantánamo Bay.

June 10
600 U.S. Marines landed at Guantánamo with assistance of Colonel Enrique Thomas of the Cuban forces.

June 11
McKinley administration reactivated debate on Hawaiian annexation. Debate in Congress “we must have Hawaii to help us get our share of China.”

June 13
The Rough Riders sailed from Tampa, Florida bound for Santiago de Cuba.

June 15
U.S. Congress passed the Hawaii annexation resolution, 209-91. Three weeks later the Senate affirmed measure.

June 20
The main U.S. force appeared off Santiago de Cuba, with more than 16,200 soldiers and various material in 42 ships. A total of 153 ships of the U.S. forces assembled off of the harbor.

Lieutenant General Calixto García (Cuba) and Admiral Sampson and General Shafter (US) met in El Aserradero (south coast of Oriente Province, Cuba) to complete the general strategy of the campaign. Cuban forces occupied positions west, northwest and east of Santiago de Cuba.

June 21
Cuban forces under General Castillo Duany and Colonel González Clavel cleared the coast near Santiago, with the collaboration of the U.S. naval squadron, to facilitate U.S. troop landing.

June 22
U.S. forces, 6000 soldiers under Lawton, Bates, Rafferty and Wheeler and under the general command of General Shafter, landed at Daiquiri, Cuba.

A rift occurred between Spanish Captain General Blanco and his Chief of Staff General Pando in Havana as Blanco refused Pando’s request to send 10,000 troops to reinforce Santiago against the invasion.

June 24
U.S. troops under General Joseph Wheeler defeated superior Spanish forces at the battle of Las Guásimas, Cuba.

June 25-26
U.S. and Cuban troops, including 3,000 Cuban soldiers from El Aserradero, disembarked at Siboney, Cuba. The Cubans were led by generals Calixto García, Rabí, Lora and Portuondo TaMayo, accompanied by U.S. General Ludlow.

June 27
Lieutenant General Calixto García requested that Tomás Estrada Palma and the Cuban Committee ask President McKinley to recognize the Cuban Council of Government.

General Henry Martin Duffield, commanding 3,000 soldiers, disembarked at Daiquirí, Cuba, bringing to a total 22,000 U.S. and Cuban soldiers at Santiago de Cuba. The Spanish forces numbered some 8,000 soldiers.

July 1
U.S. and Cuban troops took El Viso Fort, the town of El Caney, and San Juan Heights. Spanish General Vara del Rey died in the fighting. San Juan Hill was taken at the same time, with the help of the Rough Riders under Teddy Roosevelt and Leonard Wood at the battle on Kettle Hill. These victories opened the way to Santiago de Cuba. General Duffield, with 3,000 soldiers, took the Aguadores Fort at Santiago de Cuba. Spanish General Linares and Navy Captain Joaquín Bustamante died in battle.

Vara del Rey

July 2
Calixto García attacked Santiago de Cuba from the north. In this battle the Cuban’s encountered an entrenched Spanish army.

Admiral Cervera and the Spanish fleet prepared to leave Santiago Bay.

July 3
The Spanish fleet attempt to leave the bay was halted as the U.S. squadron under Admiral Schley destroyed the Spanish destroyer Furor, the torpedo boat Plutón, and the armored cruisers Infanta María Teresa, Almirante Oquendo, Vizcaya, and Cristóbal Colón. The Spanish lost all their ships, 350 dead, and 160 wounded.

General Shafter informed the U.S. Secretary of War that Santiago de Cuba was under siege on the north and east sides. On the same day, the 3,500 member Spanish column under Colonel Federico Escario completed a 150 mile march to relieve Santiago.

July 4
News of the defeat of the Spanish naval squadron under Cervera reached the United States.

July 8
U.S. acquired Hawaii.

July 15
Spanish forces under General Toral capitulated to U.S. forces at Santiago de Cuba.

July 16
Armistice signed at the Arbol de La Paz (a large ceiba tree) by U.S. and Spanish forces. The Cuban Liberation Army did not participate in the act.

July 17
U.S. forces entered Santiago de Cuba.

July 18
U.S. naval forces bombarded Manzanillo, Cuba.

The Mambí periodical El Cubano Libre published a special edition on recent war successes.

The Spanish government, through French Ambassador in Washington Jules Cambon, forwarded a message to President McKinley asking for hostilities to be suspended and the start of negotiations to end the war. Spanish Minister of State Duque de Almodóvar del Río (Juan Manuel Sánchez y Gutiérrez de Castro), Spanish Minister of State, had wired the Spanish Ambassador in Paris charging him to negotiate the suspension, through the French Government, as a preliminary measure to final negotiations for pleace.

U.S. General Leonard Wood was named military governor of Santiago de Cuba.

Clara Barton of the Red Cross cared for wounded soldiers at Santiago de Cuba.

July 19
Cuban revolutionary forces defeated the Spanish forces at El Jíbaro.

July 20
U.S. naval ships bombarded Santa Cruz del Sur, Cuba.

July 25
Cuban forces defeated Spanish troops at Arroyo Blanco, Las Villas, Cuba.

July 26
French Government contacted the McKinley Administration regarding the Spanish request for a suspension of hostilities.

July 28
Duque de Almodóvar del Río called for the U.S. annexation of Cuba.

U.S. officials instruct General Shafter to return troops immediately to the United States to prevent an outbreak of yellow fever.

August 9
Salvador Cisneros Betancourt, former president of the Cuban Republic in arms, entered the town of Santa Cruz with Cuban Liberation Army soldiers.

August 11
U.S. Secretary of State Day and French Ambassador Cambon, representing Spain, negotiated the Protocol of Peace.

August 12
Ceasefire announced between Spain and the United States.

In Havana, Spanish Governor General Blanco terminated his mission in Cuba.

August 14
President of the Governing Council of the Republic of Cuba Bartolomé Masó called for elections of Revolutionary Representatives to meet in Assembly.

August 15
General Calixto García led forces of the Cuban Liberation Army in battle against Spanish forces in the last battle of the war in Cuba at Aguas Claras.

September 12
The U.S (Generals Wade and Butler and Admiral Sampson) and Spanish Military Commission (Generals Segundo Cabo and González, Admiral Vicente Manterola, and Doctor Rafael Montoro) met in Havana, Cuba, to discuss the evacuation of Spanish forces from the island.

September 13
The Spanish Cortes ratified the Protocol of Peace.

September 16
The Spanish and U.S. Commissioners for the Peace Treaty were appointed. U.S. Commissioners were William R. Day (U.S. Secretary of State), William P. Frye (President pro tempore of Senate, Republican-Maine), Whitelaw Reid, George Gray (Senator, Democrat-Delaware) and Cushman K. Davis (Chairman, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Republican-Minnesota). The Spanish Commissioners were Eugenio Montero Ríos (President, Spanish Senate), Buenaventura Abarzuza (Senator), José de Garnica y Díaz (Associate Justice of the Supreme Court), Wenceslao Ramírez de Villa Urrutia (Envoy Extraordinary), and Rafael Cerero y Saenz (General of the Army).

William R. Day resigned as U.S. Secretary of State and was succeeded by John Hay.

September 22
When Major General Calixto García and his Cuban forces arrived in Santiago de Cuba, General Leonard Wood formally recognized his efforts in the war since General Shafter had failed to recognize the Cuban leader’s participation in the capitulation of Santiago.

October 1
The Spanish and United States commissioners held their initial meeting in Paris to draft the Peace Treaty.

October 16
General Calixto García agreed to visit all of the Cuban troops in Cuba, and then proceed to Washington, with General Leonard Wood to confer with U.S. authorities regarding Cuban interests.

October 24
The Assembly of Representatives of the Revolution met in Santa Cruz del Sur, Cuba, to select General Domingo Méndez Capote as president. The Assembly later met in El Cano, Marianao, and El Cerro, completing its duties on April 4, 1899.

November 10
In accord with the Assembly of Representatives of the Revolution, a commission of Major General Calixto García, Colonel Manuel Sanguily, Dr. Antonio González Lanuza, General José Miguel Gómez and Colonel José R. Villalón met to seek support for needs of the Liberation Army and to establish a Cuban government. The U.S. did not recognize this commission. The U.S. instead stated that the U.S. had declared war on Spain and all of its possessions because of the destruction of the battleship U.S.S. Maine and other acts against the United States.

November 26
Captain General Ramón Blanco y Erenas resigned as Governor General of Cuba.

November 28
The Spanish Commission for Peace accepted the United States demands in the Peace Treaty.

El Partido Revolucionario Cubano was dissolved.

December 10
U.S. and Spanish representatives signed the Treaty of Peace in Paris. Spain renounced its rights to Cuba, acknowledged Cuban independence, ceded Puerto Rico and the island of Guam to the U.S., liquidated its possessions in the West Indies, and sold the Philippines to the U.S. for $20,000,000.

January 1
Spanish forces left Cuba.

February 6
U.S. Senate approved the Treaty of Paris by a vote of 52 to 27. President McKinley signed it on that day.

March 19
Spain ratified the Treaty of Paris when the queen regent María Cristina signed the agreement to break the impasse of the deadlocked Cortes.

April 11
The Treaty of Paris was proclaimed.

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The European Union: a fruit of the Marshall Plan distant in History

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Socialism suicidal weapon. Author: Osval, Cuban
Socialism suicidal weapon. Author: Osval, Cuban

The Marshall Plan (officially the European Recovery Program, ERP) was an American initiative passed in 1948 for foreign aid to Western Europe. The United States transferred over $13 billion (equivalent of about $114 billion in 2020) in economic recovery programs to Western European economies after the end of World War II. Replacing an earlier proposal for a Morgenthau Plan, it operated for four years beginning on April 3, 1948. The goals of the United States were to rebuild war-torn regions, remove trade barriers, modernize industry, improve European prosperity, and prevent the spread of communism. The Marshall Plan required a reduction of interstate barriers, a dropping of many regulations, and encouraged an increase in productivity, as well as the adoption of modern business procedures.

General George C. Marshall, the 50th U.S. Secretary of State
General George C. Marshall, the 50th U.S. Secretary of State (U.S. Department of State)

The Marshall Plan aid was divided among the participant states roughly on a per capita basis. A larger amount was given to the major industrial powers, as the prevailing opinion was that their resuscitation was essential for the general European revival. Somewhat more aid per capita was also directed toward the Allied nations, with less for those that had been part of the Axis or remained neutral. The largest recipient of Marshall Plan money was the United Kingdom (receiving about 26% of the total), but the enormous cost that Britain incurred through the “Lend-Lease” scheme was not fully re-paid to the USA until 2006. The next highest contributions went to France (18%) and West Germany (11%). Some eighteen European countries received Plan benefits. Although offered participation, the Soviet Union refused Plan benefits, and also blocked benefits to Eastern Bloc countries, such as Hungary and Poland. The United States provided similar aid programs in Asia, but they were not part of the Marshall Plan.

Its role in the rapid recovery has been debated. The Marshall Plan’s accounting reflects that aid accounted for about 3% of the combined national income of the recipient countries between 1948 and 1951, which means an increase in GDP growth of less than half a percent.

The labelling used on aid packages created and sent under the Marshall Plan
The labelling used on aid packages created and sent under the Marshall Plan. USAID Graphic Standards Manual

After World War II, in 1947, industrialist Lewis H. Brown wrote (at the request of General Lucius D. Clay) A Report on Germany, which served as a detailed recommendation for the reconstruction of post-war Germany, and served as a basis for the Marshall Plan. The initiative was named after United States Secretary of State George C. Marshall. The plan had bipartisan support in Washington, where the Republicans controlled Congress and the Democrats controlled the White House with Harry S. Truman as president. The Plan was largely the creation of State Department officials, especially William L. Clayton and George F. Kennan, with help from the Brookings Institution, as requested by Senator Arthur Vandenberg, chairman of the United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Marshall spoke of an urgent need to help the European recovery in his address at Harvard University in June 1947.

Great Seal of the United States.
Great Seal of the United States.

The purpose of the Marshall Plan was to aid in the economic recovery of nations after World War II and to reduce the influence of communist parties within them. To combat the effects of the Marshall Plan, the USSR developed its own economic plan, known as the Molotov Plan, in spite of the fact that large amounts of resources from the Eastern Bloc countries to the USSR were paid as reparations, for countries participating in the Axis Power during the war.

The phrase “equivalent of the Marshall Plan” is often used to describe a proposed large-scale economic rescue program.

In 1951 the Marshall Plan was largely replaced by the Mutual Security Act.

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